Don't Dismiss Bernie's Chance of Winning the Nomination

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Sanders greets Native Americans as he enters the Yakima Valley Sundome in Yakima, Washington, on March 24, 2016. Reich argues that the media are too busy paying attention to personalities that they haven’t been attending... Michael Lopez/reuters

This article first appeared on RobertReich.org.

"Bernie did well last weekend, but he can't possibly win the nomination," a friend told me for what seemed like the thousandth time, attaching an article from The Washington Post that shows how far behind Bernie remains in delegates.

Wait a minute. On March 22, Sanders won 78 percent of the vote in Idaho and 79 percent in Utah. On March 27, he took 82 percent of the vote in Alaska, 73 percent in Washington and 70 percent in Hawaii.

In fact, since March 15, Bernie has won six out of the seven Democratic primary contests with an average margin of victory of 40 points. Those victories have given him roughly 100 additional pledged delegates.

As of now, Hillary Clinton has 54.9 percent of the pledged delegates to Bernie Sanders's 45.1 percent. That's still a sizable gap—but it doesn't make Bernie an impossibility.

Moreover, there are 22 states to go with nearly 45 percent of pledged delegates still up for grabs—and Bernie has positive momentum in almost all of them.

Hillary Clinton's lead in superdelegates will vanish if Bernie gains a majority of pledged delegates.

Bernie is outpacing Hillary Clinton in fundraising. In February, he raised $42 million (from 1.4 million contributions, averaging $30 each), compared to her $30 million. In January, he raised $20 million to her $15 million.

By any measure, the enthusiasm for Bernie is huge and keeps growing. He's packing stadiums, young people are flocking to volunteer, support is rising among the middle-aged and boomers.

In Idaho and Alaska he exceeded the record primary turnout in 2008, bringing thousands of new voters. He did the same thing in Colorado, Kansas, Maine and Michigan as well.

Yet if you read The Washington Post or The New York Times, or watch CNN or even MSNBC, or listen to the major pollsters and pundits, you'd come to the same conclusion as my friend. Every success by Bernie is met with a story or column or talking head whose message is, "But he can't possibly win."

Some Sanders supporters speak in dark tones about a media conspiracy against Bernie. That's baloney. The mainstream media are incapable of conspiring with anyone or anything. They wouldn't dare try. Their reputations are on the line. If the public stops trusting them, their brands are worth nothing.

The real reason the major media can't see what's happening is because the national media exist inside the bubble of establishment politics, centered in Washington, and the bubble of establishment power, centered in New York.

As such, the major national media are interested mainly in personalities and in the money behind the personalities. Political reporting is dominated by stories about the quirks and foibles of the candidates, and about the people and resources behind them.

Within this frame of reference, it seems nonsensical that a 74-year-old Jew from Vermont, originally from Brooklyn, who calls himself a Democratic socialist, who's not a Democratic insider and wasn't even a member of the Democratic Party until recently, who has never been a fixture in the Washington or Manhattan circles of power and influence and who has no major backers among the political or corporate or Wall Street elites of America, could possibly win the nomination.

But precisely because the major media are habituated to paying attention to personalities, they haven't been attending to Bernie's message—or to its resonance among Democratic and independent voters (as well as many Republicans). The major media don't know how to report on movements.

In addition, because the major media depend on the wealthy and powerful for revenues, because their reporters and columnists rely on the establishment for news and access, because their top media personalities socialize with the rich and powerful and are themselves rich and powerful and because their publishers and senior executives are themselves part of the establishment, the major media have come to see much of America through the eyes of the establishment.

So it's understandable, even if unjustifiable, that the major media haven't noticed how determined Americans are to reverse the increasing concentration of wealth and political power that have been eroding our economy and democracy. And it's understandable, even if unjustifiable, that they continue to marginalize Bernie Sanders.

Robert Reich is the chancellor's professor of public policy at the University of California at Berkeley and a senior fellow at the Blum Center for Developing Economies. He served as secretary of labor in the Clinton administration, and Time magazine named him one of the 10 most effective Cabinet secretaries of the 20th century. He has written 14 books, including the best-sellers Aftershock, The Work of Nations and Beyond Outrage and, most recently, Saving Capitalism. He is also a founding editor of The American Prospect magazine, chairman of Common Cause, a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and co-creator of the award-winning documentary Inequality for All.

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